Wednesday, July 17, 2019
Klemens Von Metternich
KLEMENS VON METTERNICH Statesman born at Coblenz, 15 May, 1773 died at capital of Austria, 11 June, 1859 son of account Georg, Austrian envoy of the accost of capital of Austria at Coblenz, and mare Beatrix, nee Countess von Kageneck. He studied philosophy at the University of Strasburg, and righteousness and diplomacy at Mainz. A transit to England completed his education. Metternich began his common c arer in 1801 as Austrian ambassador to the Court of Dresden. though he had for several long time prepared himself for a diplomatic career, he was in split upicular fortunate in creation forthwith appointed to so big(p) a sic.Only devil historic period later he was made ambassador to Berlin. The emperor moth considered it very of import to have a oldenor at Berlin who could gain the privilege of the Court and the principal Prussian press outs custody, and who k clean how to trust long magnates of observation with a domesticize and agreeable manner. Metternich h ad already turn up that he possessed these qualities. snooze was hence emperor with the new empire at the zenith of its power. The emperor moth Francis needed his ablest ambassador at catnaps Court, and in May, 1806, he sent Metternich to Paris.Metternich run aground himself in the difficult dapple of representing Austria in the face of the either overweening threats and ambitious plans of snooze at the height of his power. He did so with dignity and firmness, as his report of his important audience with Napoleon on 15 August, 1808, shows. The year 1809 is marked by the great war between Austria and France. The German States were callight-emitting diode upon to roast her, but only the Tyrol responded. On 13 May capital of Austria was besieged by the French, but eight days later Napoleon was defeated by the Archduke Charles at Aspern.Metternich, treated as a captive of produce by Napoleon, was finally released in July in exchange for members of the French embassy. late r the battle of Wagram Austrias position was hope slight. Its troops was cut off from Hungary and compelled to retreat to Moravia and Bohemia. A great solon was needed to execute the situation. On 4 August the Emperor Francis appointed Metternich as minister of assure to confer with Napoleon, and on 8 October, minister of the imperial house and of foreign personal business.By the conformity of Schonbrunn (14 October), Austria was greatly reduced in size, and reached the superlative depths of its humiliation. merely the moment of its degradation power saw the beginning of its rise. The twain-headed eagle soared to the loftiest heights, and it was Metternich who gave it the strength for its flight. For intimately forty years he s close Austrias policy. His scratch linely concern was to establish allowable relations with the French Emperor. Napoleon want by fashion of a new marriage to ally himself with one of the middle-aged atomic number 63an dynasties in the hope t o fancy up himself and to provide an heir for the imperial throne.He obtained a divorce from Josephine Beauharnais, and through the mediation of Metternich get hitched with Maria Louise, daughter of the Emperor Frances of Austria. Though at present it seems to become more(prenominal) than and more probable that Napoleons union with Josephine was a valid marriage, nevertheless it is certain that when Napoleon wedded Maria Louise (11 March, 1810) the Court of Vienna and the Papal Curia were absolutely convinced of the unlawfulness of Napoleons first alliance. Napoleons connexion with the imperial family of Austria had no lick on politics.Fate led the French Emperor, subsequently cave ining so many a nonher(prenominal)s, to ruin himself. At Schonbrunn he pronounced the profane sovereignty of the Roman See to be at an end, and in reply to the popes censure he finded This ordain non defecate the arms to drop from the hands of my grenadiers. Although he imprisoned the pope , in the Russian advertise on the Beresina the arms did drop from the quick-frozen hands of his grenadiers. As the crisis approached the decision heap d throw with Austria. From a quarter past 11 in the morning until half past eight in the evening Metternich was closeted with Napoleon (Dresden, 26 June, 1813). Our conference consisted of the strangest farrago of complex subjects, characterized promptly by extreme conversancyliness, now by the most violent outbursts of folly. Napoleon raged, threatened, and leaped up like a chafed lion. Metternich remained calm. Napoleon let his hat, which he was holding under his arm, drop to the floor. Metternich did not stoop to pick it up. The emperor withal tried persuasion. Your sovereigns, he said, who were born to their thrones cannot pick up the feelings that move me.To them it is nothing to return to their capitals defeated. But I am a soldier. I need honour and glory. I cannot appear among my people devoid of prestige. I moldin ess remain great, admired, covered with glory. For that reason, he said, he could not accept the proposed conditions of peace. Metternich replied, But when will this condition of things cease, in which defeat and mastery are alike reasons for continuing these grue both(prenominal) wars? If victorious, you insist upon the fruits of your victory if defeated, you are primed(p) to rise once again. Napoleon made unlike offers for Austrias neutrality, but Metternich declined all bargaining, and Napoleons oft-repeated threat, We shall meet in Vienna, was his farewell to Metternich. Metternich gave the signal for war, and Schwarzenberg led the decisive battle of Leipzig. The Emperor Francis raised his beloved Count Metternich to the rank of Austrian prince. Your able efforts in conducting the department with which I entrusted you in difficult times are now, at a moment exceedingly decisive in the worlds destiny, happily cr protest with success. Metternich reached the height of his power and renown at the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815). No incli soil can be had of the difficulty of the problems that were to be solved. The very first conference of the translators of the powers previously allied against France (Austria, Prussia, Russia, and England), held on 19 September, 1814, at Metternichs villa on the Rennweg, ended in a discord over the Polish question. It incessantly required all of Metternichs most smart qualities to preserve harmony. One of his favourite means was to provide festivities of all sorts.They have lots been criticized as if they had been the object of the congress, and not a means to attain its ends. Metternich succeeded finally in bridging over every difficulty. The Emperor Francis verbalised his satisfaction with Metternichs services in securing peace and order in atomic number 63, and e sparely in restoring to Austria its ancient pre-eminence. The rearrangement of German and Italian affairs gave but little satisfaction to any side , but henceforth Metternich was the leading statesman of atomic number 63.For the settlement of questions still pending and other difficulties that arose, the following congresses were held Aix-la-Chapelle, 1818 Karlsbad (a conference of ministers), 1819 Vienna, 1820 Troppau, 1820 Laibach, 1821 and Verona, 1822. The Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, at which the monarchs of Austria, Prussia, and Russia were personally present, apply its attention to the adaptation of the relations of the powers to France, though Metternich also forceful the dangers arising from demagogic agitation, and expressed his suspicions that its focus was in Germany.When, not long after, the Russian councillor, Kotzebue, was assassinate by the student, Sand, Metternich in twenty dollar bill-four conferences of German ministers at Karlsbad took measures to coiffe an end to the policy-making troubles in Germany. All publications of less than twenty folios were to be subject to censorship presidency officers we re to be placed at the universities to wield them in the several states the constitutions providing for diets in uniformity with ancient usage were to be retain representative constitutions were to be suppressed.Despite Englands and Russias resistance, Metternich at the two succeeding congresses successfully carried his proposition to interpose in behalf of the Italian states, which were threatened and vexed pressed by the revolution. This measure brought upon Austria the shame of the Italian people. Finally Austria and Russia split on the question of freeing Greece from the Turkish yoke, Austria presentation herself to be a decided friend of the Turks. The result was a blow to Metternichs policy. He had dropped from the high-water mark of his influence.Thereafter Russias influence increased. Since the death of Prince Kaunitz (1794) the position of house, court, and state chancellor had been vacant, but in 1821 Metternich was invested with that office. Your deserts have been increased by the uninterrupted zeal, the ability and fearlessness with which, especially in the last two years, you devoted yourself to the preservation of general order and the joy of law over the disorderly doings of disturbers of the peace in the states at plate and abroad. Under the Emperor Ferdinand I after 1835, the direction of affairs, after the emperor himself, was in the hands of a council consisting of the Archduke Ludwig (uncle of the emperor), the state chancellor Metternich, and the court chancellor Kolowrat. Metternichs influence over Austrias home(a) affairs was less than is largely supposed. Count Hartig, who was well informed, declares (Geschichte der Revolution, p. 19) In matters of internal administration the prince was seldom heard, and was purposely unploughed away from them. In this department after 1826, it was the minister Count Kolowrat whose influence was decisive.Many envied Metternich his pre-eminence. The noblesse always saw the foreigner in hi m, and others looked with resentment upon the preference shown foreigners in the state chancery (Friedrich Gentz, Adam Muller, Friedrich Schlegel, Jarke). Grillparzer, director of memorial in the Hofkammer, expressed himself very gratingly on that point in 1839, though it must be noted that Grillparzer had been highly incensed. In all these matters Kolowrat had the advantage of Metternich. He was even considered capable of granting, or, at least, of preparing a constitution, and was thought to be inclined to do so.As time passed the Metternich system came to be held more and more responsible for everything unpleasant, and its author to be hated and attacked. His own acts show the blemish done the prince in this regard. To quote from his governmental Testament To me the word license has not the value of a starting-point, but of an essential goal to be striven for. The word order designates the starting-point. It is only on order that license can be based. Without order as a fo undation the cry for freedom is nothing more than the attack of some party or other for an end it has in view.When actually carried out in practice, that cry for freedom will ineluctably express itself in tyranny. At all times and in all situations I was a man of order, yet my endeavour was always for true and not for affect liberty. These words are the key to the sagaciousness and appreciation of Metternichs actions. Two more passages diagnostic of the great statesmans temper of mind may be cited Admirers of the press honour it with the title, representative of public opinion, though everything written in the papers is nothing but the construction of those who write.Will the value of being the expression of public opinion ever be attributed to the publications of a brass, even of a Republican Government? Surely not Yet every obscure journalist claims this value for his own products. What a confusion of ideas No less just and important a remark is the following on state mo rality The down give ear of empires always directly depends upon the parcel out of unbelief. For this very reason unearthly belief, the first of virtues, is the strongest power.It alone curbs attack and makes resistance irresistible. theology cannot decline in a nation without causing that nations strength also to decline, and the fall of states does not proceed in arithmetic progression according to the law of locomote bodies, but rapidly leads to destruction. When on 13 March, 1848, the storm of the revolution raged in Vienna, the state chancellor, who preferred to sacrifice himself rather than others, immediately resigned his position. He went to England, Brussels, and Schloss Johannisberg.From the last place he returned to Vienna in 1851, and eight years later died in his palace on the Rennweg at the age of eighty-six. In Europe Napoleon, Metternich, and Bismarck set their stamp upon the 19th century. All third of them lived to see their own fall. Metternich remained the longest in the leading position of coachman of Europe. Nothing better characterizes the great statesman than what he repeatedly said, high and aristocratic as always, to Baron A. von Hubner a few weeks before his death I was a rock of order (un rocher dordre).Metternich marry three times in 1795 Maria Eleonora, granddaughter of Princess Kaunitz, by whom he had seven children in 1827 Maria Antonia, Baroness von Leykam, by whom he had a son, Richard Klemens and in 1831 Countess Melanie Zichy, by whom he had three children. What was the Metternich system? The Metternich system depended upon political and religious censorship, espionage, and the suppression of ultra and nationalist movements. His prenomen became anathema to liberals, and the revolutions of 1848 (which forced him to seek rubber in England) were in part tell at his repressive system.Metternich returned to Austria in 1851. Prince metternich set out many different vitiated fires of liberalising revolutions. The sys tem depended upon political and religious censorship, and the suppression of revolutionary and nationalist movements.. This became held for everything unpleasant. Concert of Europe 1815 In the aftermath of Napoleons defeat, the great powers of Europe came unneurotic to define the new political order. For fifteen years, the plans devised at the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) succeeded in reinstating and maintaining Europes monarchies, while suppressing the ambitions of liberals, nationalists, and workers.However, in 1830 and again in 1848 the aspirations of these groups exploded in revolutionary action. All of these would-be revolutions were eventually put down, but the message that an expansion of the political sphere was coming could not be denied. In fact, nationalism drove much(prenominal) of the political change in the two decades following the revolts of 1848. Austria-Hungary was reorganized to give special status to large minority groups. The states of Italy were brought tog ether in a unified bucolic in 1861.And finally, the German states were unifed under Prussian leadership in 1871. The unification of Italy and Germany were part of a larger pattern. Throughout Europe, the power of the state increased at the said(prenominal) time as more and more people were brought into the political process. Between 1848 and 1914, France became a republic again, Britain moved closer to democracy, vassalage was abolished in Russia, and Spain and Portugal moved towards modernization of their governments. By 1914, almost all European men had the right to vote.
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